Chamber
Meeting of the Parliament 01 December 2011
01 Dec 2011 · S4 · Meeting of the Parliament
Item of business
Criminal Law and Practice (Carloway Review)
I refer to my entry in the register of members’ interests. I acknowledge the care and time that Lord Carloway and his team have afforded to this important review. It is a big report with a lot in it, and we can only touch the surface today.
In the foreword to the report, Lord Carloway states:
“The underlying and long-lasting implication of Cadder is that the system must fully embrace and apply a human rights based approach.”
We must consider his review in that context.
The proposal for removing the requirement for corroboration in criminal cases is perhaps the most ambitious proposal in the report. I agree whole-heartedly with Lord Carloway that the most important aspect in establishing the value of evidence should be its quality and not its quantity.
We have heard that the concept of corroboration has a very long history. Until relatively recently, it used to be part of the civil process in Scotland as well as operating in criminal cases, although that is seldom mentioned today. The requirement for corroboration in civil cases was abolished in 1988, and the civil system has functioned without the need for corroboration quite adequately, even if it must be accepted that, in a case based on a conflict of oral evidence, two witnesses in support are better than one.
The term “corroboration” is often misunderstood by the layperson; it means that there must be two separate sources of evidence. It does not mean that there should necessarily be two independent witnesses to confirm every piece of evidence. As has been said, it is a hangover from medieval times at least: a security mechanism to protect accused persons from mistakenly being hanged from the gallows in an age in which there was no such thing as an appeals process.
Thankfully, we have moved on. As Lord Carloway has said, the principal reason that is advanced nowadays for retaining corroboration is to prevent miscarriages of justice. As has been said, his review found no evidence to suggest that the rates of miscarriage of justice in Scotland are any lower than they are in comparable countries that do not have a corroboration rule. Moreover, he argues that the requirement for corroboration increases the likelihood of a miscarriage of justice. If a complainer has a good case, but there is no evidence other than the complainer’s own evidence, the complainer is, because of the rule of corroboration, not able to obtain justice as the case does not proceed.
Those are powerful arguments, but I do not believe that removing corroboration is a silver bullet that will necessarily increase efficiency and improve justice—and it may not, in human rights terms, be more than neutral. The cabinet secretary has referred to the research on the 468 cases. The second table shows that 95 out of 141 sexual offences could have been prosecuted. However, Lord Carloway himself admits:
“it is important to remember that the removal of the requirement for corroboration would not guarantee a conviction”
in the cases in which there was deemed to be a reasonable prospect of conviction. The reasonable prospect of conviction that is assessed by the Crown Prosecution Service in England is an objective test in which a prosecutor assesses whether it is more likely than not that a conviction will be obtained. The figure is something in excess of 50 per cent but perhaps not much more, and in reality convictions do not always follow. Therefore, we should not be overwhelmed by the figures and, as David McLetchie has rightly said, the difference between conviction rates in Scotland and those in England and Wales is minimal.
We should perhaps counter that point by remembering the comments of Helena Kennedy when she was talking about human trafficking this week. In her view, the rule on corroboration may be a bar to convictions for trafficking, and I cannot see any real argument against that.
We obviously acknowledge that the test to be applied in criminal cases is whether the Crown has proved its case beyond reasonable doubt. In Carloway’s view, that is the essential safeguard to protect the accused. In particular, he believes that safeguards, such as an automatic warning to the jury of the risk of convicting on the basis of uncorroborated evidence, should not be required. Similarly, he believes that a judge at first instance should not be entitled to acquit an accused in a solemn case even if he or she considers that it would be unreasonable for a jury to return a verdict of guilty on the evidence adduced.
It is in the area of safeguards that I believe that the Government would be wise to listen to the arguments. Justice Scotland has said that it is
“dismayed by the suggested wholesale removal of corroboration absent alternative safeguards”.
The Government needs to listen to that argument, and others, so that we can have a full and meaningful debate on the point.
I will move away from corroboration and touch on the review’s comments on adverse inference. I agree with Lord Carloway’s recommendation that there should be no change to the current position—that is, that no inference should be drawn from silence on the part of a suspect when they are questioned. There is no strong case for replicating the English experience, and indeed in England the matter is rarely an issue in trials. Similarly, I believe that, post-Cadder, the distinction between section 14 detention and arrest is no longer meaningful.
In the remaining time, I will touch on the question of rights of access. Lord Carloway’s analysis is that there is nothing in European jurisprudence that precludes suspects from waiving their right of access to a lawyer, but he goes on to consider the position of vulnerable adults and children. Most significantly, he makes a recommendation that under-16s cannot waive their right of access to a lawyer, which seems a sensible recommendation. It is unusual that under-16s, who may not consent to many things in life, are able to waive something that is so important to their human rights.
On a waiver generally, Lord Carloway does not specifically suggest in his review that the police should record the reasons why a suspect waives their right of access when they are at a police station or wherever—Lord Hope made that suggestion in a Scottish case heard by the Supreme Court in which judgment was given last week. However, in the evidence that Lord Carloway gave to the Justice Committee on Tuesday, he agreed with the proposal that the reasons why an accused has used the waiver should be recorded. It is a helpful suggestion, and it may be a useful addition to any Association of Chief Police Officers in Scotland manual.
There is an awful lot in the Carloway review. It is an important contribution to the debate, and I look forward to a full and meaningful debate on it.
15:38
In the foreword to the report, Lord Carloway states:
“The underlying and long-lasting implication of Cadder is that the system must fully embrace and apply a human rights based approach.”
We must consider his review in that context.
The proposal for removing the requirement for corroboration in criminal cases is perhaps the most ambitious proposal in the report. I agree whole-heartedly with Lord Carloway that the most important aspect in establishing the value of evidence should be its quality and not its quantity.
We have heard that the concept of corroboration has a very long history. Until relatively recently, it used to be part of the civil process in Scotland as well as operating in criminal cases, although that is seldom mentioned today. The requirement for corroboration in civil cases was abolished in 1988, and the civil system has functioned without the need for corroboration quite adequately, even if it must be accepted that, in a case based on a conflict of oral evidence, two witnesses in support are better than one.
The term “corroboration” is often misunderstood by the layperson; it means that there must be two separate sources of evidence. It does not mean that there should necessarily be two independent witnesses to confirm every piece of evidence. As has been said, it is a hangover from medieval times at least: a security mechanism to protect accused persons from mistakenly being hanged from the gallows in an age in which there was no such thing as an appeals process.
Thankfully, we have moved on. As Lord Carloway has said, the principal reason that is advanced nowadays for retaining corroboration is to prevent miscarriages of justice. As has been said, his review found no evidence to suggest that the rates of miscarriage of justice in Scotland are any lower than they are in comparable countries that do not have a corroboration rule. Moreover, he argues that the requirement for corroboration increases the likelihood of a miscarriage of justice. If a complainer has a good case, but there is no evidence other than the complainer’s own evidence, the complainer is, because of the rule of corroboration, not able to obtain justice as the case does not proceed.
Those are powerful arguments, but I do not believe that removing corroboration is a silver bullet that will necessarily increase efficiency and improve justice—and it may not, in human rights terms, be more than neutral. The cabinet secretary has referred to the research on the 468 cases. The second table shows that 95 out of 141 sexual offences could have been prosecuted. However, Lord Carloway himself admits:
“it is important to remember that the removal of the requirement for corroboration would not guarantee a conviction”
in the cases in which there was deemed to be a reasonable prospect of conviction. The reasonable prospect of conviction that is assessed by the Crown Prosecution Service in England is an objective test in which a prosecutor assesses whether it is more likely than not that a conviction will be obtained. The figure is something in excess of 50 per cent but perhaps not much more, and in reality convictions do not always follow. Therefore, we should not be overwhelmed by the figures and, as David McLetchie has rightly said, the difference between conviction rates in Scotland and those in England and Wales is minimal.
We should perhaps counter that point by remembering the comments of Helena Kennedy when she was talking about human trafficking this week. In her view, the rule on corroboration may be a bar to convictions for trafficking, and I cannot see any real argument against that.
We obviously acknowledge that the test to be applied in criminal cases is whether the Crown has proved its case beyond reasonable doubt. In Carloway’s view, that is the essential safeguard to protect the accused. In particular, he believes that safeguards, such as an automatic warning to the jury of the risk of convicting on the basis of uncorroborated evidence, should not be required. Similarly, he believes that a judge at first instance should not be entitled to acquit an accused in a solemn case even if he or she considers that it would be unreasonable for a jury to return a verdict of guilty on the evidence adduced.
It is in the area of safeguards that I believe that the Government would be wise to listen to the arguments. Justice Scotland has said that it is
“dismayed by the suggested wholesale removal of corroboration absent alternative safeguards”.
The Government needs to listen to that argument, and others, so that we can have a full and meaningful debate on the point.
I will move away from corroboration and touch on the review’s comments on adverse inference. I agree with Lord Carloway’s recommendation that there should be no change to the current position—that is, that no inference should be drawn from silence on the part of a suspect when they are questioned. There is no strong case for replicating the English experience, and indeed in England the matter is rarely an issue in trials. Similarly, I believe that, post-Cadder, the distinction between section 14 detention and arrest is no longer meaningful.
In the remaining time, I will touch on the question of rights of access. Lord Carloway’s analysis is that there is nothing in European jurisprudence that precludes suspects from waiving their right of access to a lawyer, but he goes on to consider the position of vulnerable adults and children. Most significantly, he makes a recommendation that under-16s cannot waive their right of access to a lawyer, which seems a sensible recommendation. It is unusual that under-16s, who may not consent to many things in life, are able to waive something that is so important to their human rights.
On a waiver generally, Lord Carloway does not specifically suggest in his review that the police should record the reasons why a suspect waives their right of access when they are at a police station or wherever—Lord Hope made that suggestion in a Scottish case heard by the Supreme Court in which judgment was given last week. However, in the evidence that Lord Carloway gave to the Justice Committee on Tuesday, he agreed with the proposal that the reasons why an accused has used the waiver should be recorded. It is a helpful suggestion, and it may be a useful addition to any Association of Chief Police Officers in Scotland manual.
There is an awful lot in the Carloway review. It is an important contribution to the debate, and I look forward to a full and meaningful debate on it.
15:38
In the same item of business
The Presiding Officer (Tricia Marwick)
NPA
The next item of business is a debate on motion S4M-01450, in the name of Kenny MacAskill, on Lord Carloway’s review of criminal procedure. 14:56
The Cabinet Secretary for Justice (Kenny MacAskill)
SNP
I put on record my thanks to the Opposition spokespeople for agreeing the tenor of the motion. That shows that the status quo is not tenable; we have to make...
James Kelly (Rutherglen) (Lab)
Lab
I welcome the opportunity to take part in the debate and to support the Government’s motion.The cabinet secretary said that this seems like an examination pr...
Christine Grahame (Midlothian South, Tweeddale and Lauderdale) (SNP)
SNP
In one of the responses to the review, one party said:“It would be very dangerous to remove corroboration for rape and sexual offences since”that“would resul...
James Kelly
Lab
If the member will allow me to, I will develop my argument, because I acknowledge that the issue is complex and requires careful consideration. I certainly s...
Stewart Maxwell (West Scotland) (SNP)
SNP
Just for clarity, the member has said twice that he supports the removal of corroboration in rape cases, but can he explain whether that means that he does n...
James Kelly
Lab
I appreciate the intervention, but if I can develop my argument I will make clear what my position is in relation to other cases.Lord Carloway shows that the...
The Deputy Presiding Officer (Elaine Smith)
Lab
I can give you some extra time for the interventions.
James Kelly
Lab
That will be very useful, Presiding Officer. I am sure that that is welcome. Laughter. Of the other important areas that the report covers, arrest and detent...
David McLetchie (Lothian) (Con)
Con
Like other members of the Justice Committee, I come to the debate with the benefit not just of reading the Carloway report and assessing the initial reaction...
Gil Paterson (Clydebank and Milngavie) (SNP)
SNP
What Mr McLetchie is pointing out is crystal clear, but with regard to rape cases, one effect of the requirement for corroboration is that many people who ar...
David McLetchie
Con
It is fair to say that people are more likely to come forward and make a serious complaint if they think that it will be taken seriously, that the case will ...
The Deputy Presiding Officer
Lab
Mr McLetchie, I would be grateful if you could draw your remarks to a conclusion.
David McLetchie
Con
Okay.The convener, from whom I hope that we will hear shortly, raised with Lord Carloway the issue of the sustainability of the not proven verdict. I wonder ...
The Deputy Presiding Officer
Lab
Thank you—that was a very generous six minutes. We now come to the open debate. We will have speeches of six minutes. There is a little bit of time for inter...
Roderick Campbell (North East Fife) (SNP)
SNP
I refer to my entry in the register of members’ interests. I acknowledge the care and time that Lord Carloway and his team have afforded to this important re...
Graeme Pearson (South Scotland) (Lab)
Lab
At page 3 of his report, Lord Carloway states:“the system for which”—the state—“is responsible must respect, promote and protect human rights in an effective...
Claudia Beamish (South Scotland) (Lab)
Lab
As members will know, the Equality and Human Rights Commission Scotland inquiry into human trafficking in Scotland reported on Monday. Roderick Campbell has ...
Graeme Pearson
Lab
Yes, I think that that is correct. It is a consideration that needs to be solemnly gauged in our discussions in the weeks and months ahead. We should also be...
Christine Grahame (Midlothian South, Tweeddale and Lauderdale) (SNP)
SNP
For the avoidance of doubt, Lord Carloway made it plain to the Justice Committee that the report was not unanimous. He had a review group, but the report was...
Christine Grahame
SNP
Let me make progress, as I am going to deal with sexual offences cases.I want to raise concerns that have been raised by others who submitted responses on co...
Humza Yousaf (Glasgow) (SNP)
SNP
I mean no disrespect but seven months in this Parliament can sometimes feel like seven years. I do not know whether I am still allowed to call myself a newbi...
Alison McInnes (North East Scotland) (LD)
LD
I, too, welcome the publication of Lord Carloway’s report. It is a thorough and reasoned piece of work, and we must now give full and fair consideration to i...
Stewart Maxwell (West Scotland) (SNP)
SNP
Like others, I thank Lord Carloway and his team for a most detailed and thoughtful report. As many have said, this is in effect a package of measures. I agre...
Colin Keir (Edinburgh Western) (SNP)
SNP
I will say right at the outset that I empathise with my colleague Humza Yousaf, as I am also a lay person as regards the law.I welcome the chance to speak on...
Hugh Henry (Renfrewshire South) (Lab)
Lab
As others have done, I welcome the report. We take great pride in our Scottish legal system and the way in which it has operated for many years, but we all n...
John Finnie (Highlands and Islands) (SNP)
SNP
As we have heard, Scots law evolves and the report builds on past work and will form part of that evolution. I would like to pose the question: whose interes...
The Deputy Presiding Officer (John Scott)
Con
Many thanks. We have a little time in hand, which I will endeavour to divide equally between the three closing speakers. Mr McLetchie, you have up to eight m...
David McLetchie
Con
I know that you cannot get enough of me, Deputy Presiding Officer, but this is stretching my abilities beyond my normally shortened contributions.
The Deputy Presiding Officer
Con
You could take interventions.