Hansard

When it comes to legislative consent motions, I sometimes worry about the risk of being typecast, as I always seem to be fated to be the angry convener delivering a speech about the flaws of the LCM process. However, today, the Parliament will be pleased to know that the angry convener will not be here.

Although the process in this case did not run perfectly, it ran well enough for the Net Zero, Energy and Transport Committee to come to a reasonably unrushed view on consent. We even had time to go beyond the narrow bounds of the LCM for a more general look at the state of our SAF industry, and I thank the experts whom we heard from as part of that process.

So, what did we find? I have limited time so will give some quick bullet points. First, we found that we need SAF if we are to decarbonise, and we need loads more of it. Secondly, we found that we need prudent governmental intervention to help the sector achieve lift-off. Thirdly, a price stabilisation mechanism such as that in the bill could help, but this is a framework bill, so the detail will absolutely have to be right.

The type of SAF that we need most is so-called power-to-liquid SAF. Biofuels might be the bridge to the next decade, but they are land and resource hungry. The basic building blocks of power-to-fuel SAF are hydrogen and carbon atoms, which never run out.

Scotland is well placed in relation to SAF: we have Grangemouth and other industrial assets that could be repurposed; we have the skills base, especially from the oil and gas industry; and we have a strong record in wind energy generation and the potential for growth in green and blue hydrogen and carbon capture. However, what are the barriers? There is a high price for electricity, which makes it harder for us to compete internationally. What also seemed to be lacking to our witnesses was a sense of the Government having a clear plan for SAF that signals confidence and momentum to potential investors.

Our report called on the Scottish Government to get the mothballed SAF working group back to work to look at quick wins, such as whether Grangemouth could be a base for mixing and redistributing biofuels.

The UK and Scottish Governments have worked out their differences on order-making powers as the bill has proceeded. Our report recommends that the Parliament consents to the relevant provisions of the bill, but we call on the Scottish Government to be on the front foot in using all the powers that it already has and in making the case to Whitehall for a truly UK-wide industrial policy for SAF that makes best use of Scotland’s considerable industrial, natural and human assets.