Chamber
Meeting of the Parliament 19 April 2012
19 Apr 2012 · S4 · Meeting of the Parliament
Item of business
Criminal Cases (Punishment and Review) (Scotland) Bill: Stage 1
As other members have done, I speak as a member of the Justice Committee, which has had responsibility for scrutinising the bill, the first part of which was described to us as creating
“a tortuous system which is barely intelligible to lawyers, let alone to the general public”,
and the second part of which is now largely redundant due to the actions of a leading Scottish newspaper.
As we have heard, part 1 seeks to address a complex anomaly in sentencing law that was identified in the Petch and Foye case. As a result of that judgment, prisoners who are given a discretionary life sentence or order for lifelong restriction can apply to become eligible for parole at an earlier stage in their sentence than prisoners who are serving sentences that are of fixed length. That is clearly inappropriate.
In the case of Petch and Foye v Her Majesty’s Advocate, the High Court ruled that a sentencing court should adopt a three-step approach to calculating the punishment part for a non-mandatory life sentence—that is, the period after which a prisoner who is serving a life sentence can become eligible for parole. The court concluded that the result of that complex staged calculation was that an individual who has been given an indeterminate life sentence may become eligible for consideration for parole at an earlier stage in their sentence than if they had been given an equivalent determinate sentence. That is not as crystal clear as Christine Grahame’s exposition of the matter, but it is my poor and humble best shot.
I add two caveats to the support that we give to part 1. First, it became clear that this area of the law is complex. A number of witnesses raised concern that the Government’s solution to the Petch and Foye anomaly risked making an already complex set of rules even more complex. Joanna Cherry QC, who appeared as an advocate depute in the Petch and Foye case, said that analysis of the current rules
“gave rise to the most difficult piece of statutory interpretation”—[Official Report, Justice Committee, 31 January 2012; c 865.]
of her career, and there was clear concern among some witnesses that the bill could make matters less rather than more intelligible.
Secondly, much of this could have been avoided if the Scottish National Party was better at implementing its own manifesto commitments. The Petch and Foye case is yet further evidence of the need to end automatic early release from prison. The Parliament legislated, via the Custodial Sentences and Weapons (Scotland) Act 2007, to end automatic early release, but the act has yet to be implemented.
We and others have repeatedly called for the ending of automatic early release, and have for many years argued that the custodial sentence that is handed down should be the sentence that is served. In fairness, the SNP also claims to be in favour of abolishing automatic early release—indeed, it pledged to do so in both its 2007 and 2011 manifestos, but it has manifestly failed to take any meaningful action towards doing so. It appears that the Government’s fondness for delay in the implementation of its manifesto pledges is not restricted to the independence referendum.
“a tortuous system which is barely intelligible to lawyers, let alone to the general public”,
and the second part of which is now largely redundant due to the actions of a leading Scottish newspaper.
As we have heard, part 1 seeks to address a complex anomaly in sentencing law that was identified in the Petch and Foye case. As a result of that judgment, prisoners who are given a discretionary life sentence or order for lifelong restriction can apply to become eligible for parole at an earlier stage in their sentence than prisoners who are serving sentences that are of fixed length. That is clearly inappropriate.
In the case of Petch and Foye v Her Majesty’s Advocate, the High Court ruled that a sentencing court should adopt a three-step approach to calculating the punishment part for a non-mandatory life sentence—that is, the period after which a prisoner who is serving a life sentence can become eligible for parole. The court concluded that the result of that complex staged calculation was that an individual who has been given an indeterminate life sentence may become eligible for consideration for parole at an earlier stage in their sentence than if they had been given an equivalent determinate sentence. That is not as crystal clear as Christine Grahame’s exposition of the matter, but it is my poor and humble best shot.
I add two caveats to the support that we give to part 1. First, it became clear that this area of the law is complex. A number of witnesses raised concern that the Government’s solution to the Petch and Foye anomaly risked making an already complex set of rules even more complex. Joanna Cherry QC, who appeared as an advocate depute in the Petch and Foye case, said that analysis of the current rules
“gave rise to the most difficult piece of statutory interpretation”—[Official Report, Justice Committee, 31 January 2012; c 865.]
of her career, and there was clear concern among some witnesses that the bill could make matters less rather than more intelligible.
Secondly, much of this could have been avoided if the Scottish National Party was better at implementing its own manifesto commitments. The Petch and Foye case is yet further evidence of the need to end automatic early release from prison. The Parliament legislated, via the Custodial Sentences and Weapons (Scotland) Act 2007, to end automatic early release, but the act has yet to be implemented.
We and others have repeatedly called for the ending of automatic early release, and have for many years argued that the custodial sentence that is handed down should be the sentence that is served. In fairness, the SNP also claims to be in favour of abolishing automatic early release—indeed, it pledged to do so in both its 2007 and 2011 manifestos, but it has manifestly failed to take any meaningful action towards doing so. It appears that the Government’s fondness for delay in the implementation of its manifesto pledges is not restricted to the independence referendum.
In the same item of business
The Presiding Officer (Tricia Marwick)
NPA
The next item of business is a debate on motion S4M-02617, in the name of Kenny MacAskill, on the Criminal Cases (Punishment and Review) (Scotland) Bill.I wi...
The Deputy Presiding Officer (John Scott)
Con
It would appear that we have a problem with Mr MacAskill’s card. Can we do something about the sound? Interruption. Thank you.I call Mr MacAskill to speak to...
The Cabinet Secretary for Justice (Kenny MacAskill)
SNP
Thank you for your forbearance, Presiding Officer.I thank the Justice Committee for its careful stage 1 scrutiny of the Criminal Cases (Punishment and Review...
Lewis Macdonald (North East Scotland) (Lab)
Lab
I am interested in the cabinet secretary’s view on whether a less complex approach could have been taken had the bill been a bit more ambitious in scope. In ...
Kenny MacAskill
SNP
That is not the case. There are two separate matters. The Petch and Foye judgment caused considerable concern and was commented on not only by me but by just...
Malcolm Chisholm (Edinburgh Northern and Leith) (Lab)
Lab
Does the cabinet secretary accept that it would have been helpful to have consulted the information commissioner at a much earlier stage in order to resolve ...
Kenny MacAskill
SNP
It was not up to us to consult the information commissioner, because these matters have to be dealt with by the SCCRC. We have always sought to facilitate ev...
The Deputy Presiding Officer
Con
I call Christine Grahame to speak to the motion on behalf of the Justice Committee.15:11
Christine Grahame (Midlothian South, Tweeddale and Lauderdale) (SNP)
SNP
I welcome the opportunity to open the debate on behalf of the Justice Committee—at least, that is what it says here. I thank all those who gave evidence to t...
Jenny Marra (North East Scotland) (Lab)
Lab
Alongside other committee members who are present, I had the opportunity to scrutinise the bill closely as it passed through the Justice Committee. I want to...
John Finnie (Highlands and Islands) (SNP)
SNP
Does the member accept that part 2 of the bill has a wider application than just Mr al-Megrahi’s case?
Jenny Marra
Lab
John Finnie may, like me, hope that part 2 will have a wider implication in future, although it is difficult to predict when that might be. However, we will ...
David McLetchie (Lothian) (Con)
Con
As other members have done, I speak as a member of the Justice Committee, which has had responsibility for scrutinising the bill, the first part of which was...
John Finnie
SNP
Does the member accept that the Government’s position remains that the manifesto commitment will be implemented once the terms of the McLeish commission are ...
David McLetchie
Con
Yes—I accept that that is the position, but that is a cover-up for not implementing anything, as Mr Finnie will realise, the longer he serves in this Parliam...
John Finnie (Highlands and Islands) (SNP)
SNP
I will concentrate on part 1 of the bill—the easy bit. We know that part 1 resulted from the much-talked-about Petch and Foye case. As we have heard, part 1 ...
Graeme Pearson (South Scotland) (Lab)
Lab
I note John Finnie’s light touch in describing part 1 as “the easy bit”. On that basis, I look forward to his forthcoming book, “A Treatise on Scots Law”, be...
Roderick Campbell (North East Fife) (SNP)
SNP
I refer members to my entry in the register of interests as a member of the Faculty of Advocates. One of the advantages of the recess is that it enables one ...
Humza Yousaf (Glasgow) (SNP)
SNP
As a member of the Justice Committee, I, too, thank everybody who came forward and gave evidence on the bill.There is a constant underlying theme in the deba...
John Mason (Glasgow Shettleston) (SNP)
SNP
Hear, hear.
Humza Yousaf
SNP
Thank you. However, luckily, my wife studied law, which was very helpful to me. I have sympathy for Alison McInnes and for Colin Keir—who has disappeared fro...
Malcolm Chisholm (Edinburgh Northern and Leith) (Lab)
Lab
Presiding Officer, I think that I deserve full marks for bravery as the first non-member of the Justice Committee to venture into these choppy waters without...
Mark McDonald (North East Scotland) (SNP)
SNP
Where Malcolm Chisholm leads, I will boldly follow, as another non-member of the Justice Committee entering bravely into the fray. Never has the old quotatio...
Mary Fee (West Scotland) (Lab)
Lab
The Criminal Cases (Punishment and Review) (Scotland) Bill is needed to remedy the judgment handed down in Petch and Foye v Her Majesty’s Advocate. The bill ...
Colin Keir (Edinburgh Western) (SNP)
SNP
Over the past year, members of the Justice Committee have been faced with some complex material to digest in the course of their deliberations.As we have hea...
Alison McInnes (North East Scotland) (LD)
LD
Like other committee members, I am grateful to everyone who submitted evidence on the bill, because they certainly helped us to get to grips with an extremel...
Dennis Robertson (Aberdeenshire West) (SNP)
SNP
When I was given the task of being a member of the Rural Affairs, Climate Change and Environment Committee, I never thought that I would be grateful for that...
Christine Grahame
SNP
I have to say that I confused myself. John Green is an intruder.
Dennis Robertson
SNP
I thought that it was males who had the problem with reds and greens.The matter that we are debating is very serious, and it needs to be resolved. I congratu...
The Deputy Presiding Officer (Elaine Smith)
Lab
That brings us to closing speeches. I remind members who were in the chamber for the debate that they should be here for closing speeches.I have a little bit...